Arif Jamal (Image courtesy: The News on Sunday)
In a recent interview, senior Pakistani journalist and author Arif Jamal discussed how Sunni jihadi groups are rapidly pushing Pakistan into a situation in which non-Deobandi sects of Muslims and other religious minorities are finding it difficult to live.
"We have already seen that the Deobandi jihadist groups have already turned their guns towards the Pakistani military. Unfortunately, worse is coming," Jamal, author of an upcoming book on Lashkar-e-Taiba, warned in the interview with The News on Sunday, a Pakistani newspaper.
Jamal, who now lives in the U.S., has previously written a book on jihad in Kashmir titled "Shadow War: The Untold Story Of Jihad In Kashmir." In the interview, excerpts from which are given below, Jamal discusses how the anti-Shia organization Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and its mirror groups Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) and Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ) are destroying the country from within.
"Pakistan Is Emerging As A Sunni State Where It Is Becoming More And More Difficult For Non-Deobandi Muslims And Other Religions To Live"; "Islam, Like Any Other Religion, Is Very Sectarian"
Question: "In Pakistan's context, sectarianism took roots in the 1980s as a consequence of the Iranian Revolution and jihad in Afghanistan. That was when Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan [anti-Shia group SSP] was founded. From the 1990s onwards began a period of sectarian violence. Is that a correct reading of recent history?"
Arif Jamal: "Yes, it is…. The seeds of violent sectarianism were sown when [Pakistani military dictator] General Ziaul Haq tried to strengthen his rule by imposing the sharia of one sect at the cost of others. The Shia Muslims reacted adversely and literally occupied Islamabad [against General Ziaul Haq's imposition of Sunni-based Islamization in Pakistan in the 1980s]…. However, the way Pakistani Shias protested scared General Zia and his Deobandi allies. Thereafter, General Zia and Deobandi parties worked consistently to, what I would call, 'Sunnify' the country. As a result of this support, Pakistan is emerging as a Sunni state where it is becoming more and more difficult for non-Deobandi Muslims and other religions to live. Had there been no Iranian Revolution, the Pakistani Shias might not have reacted in such a way [against General Ziaul Haq].
"That is where the role of the Iranian Revolution ends. Pakistan is actually close to becoming the Sunni version of the Shia Iran, even much worse. In Pakistan, it is becoming almost impossible for non-Deobandi and non-Ahle Hadith [sects] to live without fear. The irony is that even the majority sect, the Barelvi Muslims, have come under attack by the Deobandi and Ahle Hadith. Iranian support to Pakistani Shias is only a fraction of Sunni Arabs' support to the Deobandi and Ahle Hadith parties and groups."
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Question: "How and why did LeJ [Lashkar-e-Jhangvi] separate from SSP and what were the effects of this separation on society?"
Arif Jamal: "I never considered the SSP and LeJ as two different organizations. LeJ is the armed wing of the SSP. In the mid-1990s, the SSP realized that its popularity among the people was growing and it could become a politico-religious party in the sense that Jamat-e-Islami of Pakistan is. However, it realized the stigma or label of terrorism was an obstacle in its way to become a national political party. In other words, the people were ready to vote for its anti-Shia and anti-Iran ideology but they were not yet ready to implement the anti-Shia agenda with the use of force. At that point, the SSP decided that it would do politics and its armed wing, the LeJ, will implement its political agenda through violence.
"The LeJ, on its part, has been playing the same game and staging the drama of parting ways with each other to save others in the organization from the law. We have seen that central leaders of LeJ, like Tariq Alam and Malik Ishaq, emerged as SSP leaders overnight. This shows the close relations between LeJ and SSP/ASWJ (Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamat). This was a great strategy which has helped the organization to work freely with impunity. SSP has emerged as an important political party under different names. It can win several seats in the national and provincial elections. It has a definite vote bank in a large number of constituencies where other political parties are dependent on the SSP to win. This explains why the PML [Pakistan Muslim League party of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif] has consistently wooed the SSP."
Question: "Tell us something about the LeJ and its working today. What are the various factions and their links with SSP, and what is the difference between LeJ and LeJ Al-Alami? Also, what is the status of its founding members like Malik Ishaq and Akram Lahori, etc., within LeJ these days?"
Arif Jamal: "There are several factions among the LeJ also but all of them seem to be loyal to the parent party – the SSP – or its newest re-incarnation, the ASWJ [Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat]. There have been serious differences among the different groups of the LeJ but they have not abandoned their loyalty to the parent party [SSP]. Most differences revolved around the question of how much violence they should inflict on Shia Muslims. LeJ Al-Alami is more inclined towards extremism than the LeJ."
"As A Concession To The Deobandi/Ahle Hadith Groups Fighting In Kashmir And Afghanistan On Behalf Of The Pakistani Military, The Government Turned A Blind Eye To The Sectarian Terrorism In The Country"
Question: "How is sectarianism within Pakistan linked with sectarianism internationally; is that where we should look for their resources both financial and logistical?"
Arif Jamal: "Islam, like any other religion, is very sectarian. However, the kind of violent sectarianism we see in Pakistan is found only in Afghanistan. They raise the bulk of their funds from within their countries, through donations, including zakat and usher, etc. They also receive a lot of money from Pakistani expatriates in the Gulf and the West. Most of these funds come in the name of religion."
Question: "In the 1990s, all major sectarian groups were brought on the platform of Milli Yakjehti Council [Islamic Unity Council]. Why did it fail and is there a possibility of making another such effort, and hardline groups like LeJ joining it?"
Arif Jamal: "I don't think Milli Yakjehti Council was a serious effort to curb sectarianism. It was an alliance of Sunni parties and groups which publicly supported Deobandi parties and groups. They wanted the Shia parties to give in to the Deobandi demands. The Sunni members of Milli Yakjehti Council always condemned the killings of Sunni leaders but remained silent on the mass killings of Shia Muslims.
Question: "What are the connections of LeJ with Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and Al-Qaeda? Is it true that LeJ is one of the major operational wings of these terrorist and extremist groups in Pakistan?"
Arif Jamal: "The LeJ is an active component of the TTP. The ideology of the SSP/LeJ is the backbone of the TTP. In fact, all the groups are extremely sectarian in their outlook. They all believe in killing Shia Muslims and non-Muslims. Some groups even believe in waging war on the majority sect, the Barelvis. Actually, all the Deobandi groups and parties support the TTP even if they disavow any links. They share the same worldview. They have the same political goal, although there are some differences on tactics.
Question: "What is the role of the state in dealing with sectarianism?"
Arif Jamal: "Unfortunately, instead of fighting sectarianism, the Pakistani state has continuously and actively encouraged and supported Deobandi and Ahle Hadith sectarian groups and organizations because they were ready to fight jihad in Kashmir and Afghanistan. Another important reason for this was that Saudi Arabia was continuously forcing Pakistan to keep Barelvis and Shias out of both the Kashmir and Afghan jihad. This is why we see only Deobandi and Ahle Hadith groups participating in jihad in Kashmir and Afghanistan. As a concession to the Deobandi/Ahle Hadith groups fighting in Kashmir and Afghanistan on behalf of the Pakistani military, the government turned a blind eye to the sectarian terrorism in the country. As a result of these policies, Pakistan is on the road to become a Sunni state. I believe the Sunnification of Pakistan is a threat to both Pakistan and world peace. We have already seen that the Deobandi jihadist groups have already turned their guns towards the Pakistani military. Unfortunately, worse is coming."
Source: http://tns.thenews.com.pk (Pakistan) December 1, 2013. The original English of the interview has been mildly edited for clarity and standardization.
